releases: https://www.kaine.senate.gov/press-releases/kaine-holds-hearing-on-nicaraguas-political-crisis
Data license: MIT · Data source: dwillis/congress-press
This data as json
| url | title | date | year | month | party | chamber | state | member_name | bioguide_id | domain | scraper | source | date_source | text | has_text | collected_at | updated_at |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| https://www.kaine.senate.gov/press-releases/kaine-holds-hearing-on-nicaraguas-political-crisis | Kaine Holds Hearing On Nicaragua’s Political Crisis | 2026-09-30 | 2026 | 2026-09 | Democrat | Senate | VA | Tim Kaine | K000384 | www.kaine.senate.gov | kaine | https://www.kaine.senate.gov/news | scraper | VIDEO FROM THE HEARING IS AVAILABLE HERE. WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Tim Kaine (D-VA)—a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) and Ranking Member of the SFRC Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Transnational Crime, Civilian Security, Democracy, Human Rights, and Global Women’s Issues—held a subcommittee hearing titled “Nicaragua’s Political Crisis: Ortega’s Assault on Democracy.” In July, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega declared that Nicaragua would no longer hold competitive elections. “This is timely and urgent because the human rights challenges perpetrated by the current regime in Nicaragua have to be taken seriously, both for the sake of Nicaraguans but also for the entire region,” said Kaine. “I know very well the signs of autocratic government, the actions that they take, the human toll they inflict on everyday citizens.” “What is happening in Nicaragua is a reminder that democracy doesn't always die from a coup or a military takeover, as was the case in Honduras. The erosion starts when an authoritarian leader systematically undermines the foundations of free society, press, independent judiciary—weaponizing government against dissidents and weakening other independent institutions,” Kaine continued. “As a longtime member of the subcommittee and more recently the Chair and Ranking of the Subcommittee, I think Congress has a responsibility to authorize the necessary tools to put pressure on regimes,” Kaine said. “But we do have tools that we ought to be using to pressure those who are violating the human rights of others.” During the hearing, Kaine asked the witnesses about the status of the 222 Nicaraguan political prisoners who are living in the United States, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) detention of six of them. He also asked about impact of illicit gold mining in Nicaragua and the region and raised concerns about religious persecution. The panel witnesses included: Mr. Eddy Acevedo, Vice President for Policy & Government Relations, National Endowment for Democracy Mr. Gil Guerra, Fellow, Hudson Institute Ms. Deborah Ullmer, Regional Director for Latin America and Caribbean Programs, National Democratic Institute Mr. Juan Sebastián Chamorro, Coordinator, Ciudadanos por la Libertad Kaine recently introduced bipartisan legislation to renew and expand sanctions on Nicaraguan officials responsible for corruption, human rights abuses, religious persecution, election manipulation, and political repression. Kaine’s opening remarks are below: I want to thank the Chairman and thank his staff for working so hard to bring this hearing together. This is a very important topic, and you framed it well, Mr. Chairman, in your opening comments. This is timely and urgent because the human rights challenges perpetrated by the current regime in Nicaragua have to be taken seriously, both for the sake of Nicaraguans but also for the entire region. I know very well the signs of autocratic government, the actions that they take, and the human toll they inflict on everyday citizens. I also know that most autocratic governments are not stable and that eventually they do fall. Justice and accountability ensue, but often not as quickly as we would hope. I know this because I experienced it firsthand as a missionary in Honduras in 1980 and ’81. Living in a military dictatorship, I saw the abuses perpetrated by an authoritarian regime in that country. They opened my eyes to democratic backsliding wherever it occurs. That year—in 1980 and ’81—was the only time in my life that I visited Nicaragua, and it was shortly after the effort to depose a dictatorship. The dictatorship of Antonio Somoza had succeeded, and it was very early in that chapter. And so there were really high hopes about Nicaragua finding a positive path forward following decades of dictatorship. That’s what makes this hearing and the need to have it so sad—because it's horrifying to see that many of the conditions in the in the country today sort of mirror what was seen back in those days when everyday Nicaraguans who dreamed of a an ability to shape the destiny of their nation were instead being pushed around. A key lesson that I took from my time in Honduras was that instability, weak governments and governance, and regional security are all threatened when ordinary people can't choose their leaders, express themselves freely, worship freely, or hold their governments accountable. The return of Daniel Ortega to power in 2007 has started a path of gradually weakening democratic institutions, the consolidation of power in the executive branch, and the setting of a foundation that we now see as critical today to today's authoritarian regime. 2018 marked a significant point, as the chairman mentioned. The violent repression that came about as a controversial pension reform plan was being pushed through the country's legislature. Protesters filled the street, and they were met with severe repression. Hundreds were killed. Thousands were injured or detained. Widespread human rights violations were documented. Then, it led up to a fraudulent 2021 presidential election, where additional semblances of democratic governance were weakened. President Ortega knew that he was deeply unpopular with the Nicaraguan people and that he would be likely to lose in a free and fair election. So, what did he do? Instead of letting the people speak, he eliminated his opposition. Beginning in June of 2021, seven presidential aspirants were arrested, including Cristiana Chamorro, Arturo Cruz, Félix Maradiaga, Miguel Mora, Medardo Mairena, Noel Vidaurre, and Juan Sebastián Chamorro. We're privileged to have Juan Sebastián Chamorro here with us today. He and his colleagues were not defeated; they were not even allowed to compete. Instead, they were detained, imprisoned, convicted in a sham proceeding that lacked due process, stripped of their nationality, and ultimately expelled from the country. Unfortunately, the story of the witness we'll hear from in a few minutes is not unique. In February 2023, the regime released 222 political prisoners and transported them all to the United States. In Virginia, we were proud to welcome them to the U.S. via a flight that they made into Dulles Airport. Now, in America, these political prisoners released from Nicaragua thought they would be safe, but they're not. They currently exist in a state of legal limbo, facing active threats of deportation by the Trump Administration. And I urge the Administration to evaluate whether legal protections from removal can be extended to former political prisoners. That would be the right thing to do. It would be in accord with our values, I believe, and I hope to work with the Chairman and my colleagues to elevate this issue with the Administration. It is it is difficult to be a harsh critic where criticism is warranted, and at the same time, possibly deport people back into conditions which we're complaining are inhumane and violate rights. While the current regime has dismantled any semblance of democratic governance in Nicaragua, the regime has turned to Russia and China and others, as was indicated by the Chair, for assistance. And so, what is happening in Nicaragua is a reminder that democracy doesn't always die from a coup or a military takeover, as was the case in Honduras. The erosion starts when an authoritarian leader systematically undermines the foundations of free society, press, independent judiciary—weaponizing government against dissidents and weakening other independent institutions. As a longtime member of the Subcommittee and more recently the Chair and Ranking of the Subcommittee, I think Congress has a responsibility to authorize the necessary tools to put pressure on regimes. We are not perfect. We have our own challenges to solve. And frankly, the best way to do anything like this is not try to lecture somebody else, but to recognize our own imperfections and strive to get better. But we do have tools that we ought to be using to pressure those who are violating the human rights of others. And that's why Senator Cruz and I have recently introduced the Restoring Electoral Fairness and Opposition Rights Through Mandates of Accountability Act, the Reforma Act, which would provide the U.S. with greater authority to sanction Nicaraguan officials responsible for human rights violations. We've got to continue to work with allies and partners. I want to conclude my opening statement and move into the most important part of this, which is hearing from our witnesses and asking them questions. And to again, to the Chair, I certainly appreciate the opportunity to have a hearing on this important topic. ### | 1 | 2026-10-01T11:23:28Z | 2026-10-01T11:25:15Z |